THE FIRST YEAR OF THE BRITISH MISSION
The year 1879 was to be one of importance in the establishment of the British mission as a strong, broad base of work is formulated. Loughborough believed, perhaps from past, practical experience, that "in opening any new mission, it requires work." He was prepared to "do all that health and strength will admit."1´┐ŻWithin the first two weeks following his arrival in Southampton Loughborough began to see England as "such a field open before us, and so much to be done, that our souls are stirred within us to do all we can."2´┐ŻAdopting a motto, "Onward, and no room for discouragement for those who humbly labor in God's cause," he moved forward.3
Loughborough's plans for his first twelve months as superintendent of the British Mission are not difficult to piece together. He was an avid writer at any time, but more so at this period when he sought to report to the leaders and membership in America a blow by blow account of the advances and difficulties faced by this new enterprise overseas. His letters and articles were printed in the Review and Signs with regular frequency. He requested prayers and letters of encouragement "from all our friends in America," but asked that they excuse him from writing to them "as our report in the Review and Signs are quite full, we hope they will accept these as answers to their letters. This will save us much, precious time."4
Ings arrived in Southampton from Switzerland four days before the Loughboroughs,5´┐Żand together they wasted no time in planning various branches of the work, keeping in mind the hopes and aspirations of the leadership in America for this British Mission, and doing what they could to successfully commence the work. They were aware of the General Conference Committee's strong belief that the church could not "be too careful" in perfecting the establishment of the Mission and that "every important building must have a good foundation; it must be firm and solid."6´┐ŻLoughborough would have been anxious to begin the work right.
With no previous experience in Britain to guide him Loughborough's plans would be a "series of experiments," and he would see them as such throughout his five years in Britain.7´┐ŻFrom the information provided us by these men it would appear that Loughborough's plan for Great Britain was fivefold in nature. First, to establish a strong base of operations in England, presently at Southampton, perhaps at a later date in a more strategic locality. Secondly, to branch out from this base and establish congregations of Sabbath-keepers as interest, finances, and workers should indicate. Third, by literature distribution linked with correspondence, to reach out to all parts of the British Isles, establishing interest in the church's teachings. Fourthly, through ship work in Southampton, and later in the major ports of the country, to reach especially the dominions of the Queen, and through this means to proclaim the Seventh-day Adventist Church's message to the whole world. Lastly by encouraging all members in America and especially those joining the church in Britain to become missionaries in personal witness to relatives and friends in Britain. The possibilities open to the young church through a strong support and operation of these plans was beyond imagination.
Establishing A Mission Headquarters
Just why the Mission was first established in Southampton is not really known. It was certainly far from being the center of England, let alone of Great Britain, but Ings had begun exploratory work there, had gained and established an interest sufficient for a possible base by the time of Loughborough's arrival, and he believed friends and the shipwork would make a good beginning.8´┐ŻAfter arriving in Southampton, noting the situation, and meeting the interest already created in the vicinity of the city, Loughborough immediately decided, "for the present at least," to make this place the headquarters of the new Mission.9
In his first article to the Review, written on 9 January just days after his arrival, Loughborough observed that Southampton, with some 60,000 inhabitants, was situated in the middle of "the garden of England." By taking the city as a center there would be within a radius of twenty miles nearly a score of cities and villages. One such city, Portsmouth, had a population of 120,000 persons. Loughborough estimated that within easy reach of his home "there are 300,000 inhabitants who understand the English language."10
Another potential for meeting Lougborough's plans for the mission to Great Britain was seen in Southampton's seaport. It was commercially considered next in importance to Liverpool and London, and one of the best harbors in all England. Ever a stickler for detail Loughborough explains how waters in the harbor are of such depth that the largest ships, "even the 'Great Eastern', can come up to its docks, even at low tide."11´┐ŻHe saw "vessels are arriving and departing almost daily, to and from various parts of the world," and that the greater part of England's trade with the East Indies passed through this port. He considered that "for this reason, it is a point where we can do much missionary work on ships."12
Ever the historian Loughborough recognizes that "Southampton is of no small note in English history," and full of Christian heritage. He shared with his readers certain points of that history he considered would be of interest to them. It was at number 2l French Street that the old brick house still stood in which Sir Isaac Watts was born on 17 July 1674, he "whose hymns are sung with thrilling effect all over the world." He reminds them that Southampton was the point from which the Mayflower set sail for America with the pilgrim fathers, among whom "were the ancesters of our beloved brother, Eld. James White, of Battle Creek, Michigan."13
From the home of Henry and Anna Cavill of Freemantle, Southampton, where they were guests for a while, the Lougbboroughs, within twenty-four hours of their arrival, rented 'Stanley Cottage', Stanley Street, near Shirley Road, Freemantle, Southampton. The house was of brick with a slate roof. It had five rooms, each with a fireplace, with another 16'x20' room outside. Loughborough appreciated the good supply of cupboards that would furnish them facilities for book storage.14´┐ŻThe first day of January they bought furniture, carpet, bedding, and dishes. By 3 January they were in their own home.15
However, after six months in 'Stanley Cottage' the facilities no longer met the Mission's needs. Consequently in July 1879 Loughborough and his friends found 'Ravenswood,' a spacious building with fifteen rooms and a large hall suitable for holding meetings and with more than enough room for living accomodation. The building was situated on Shirley Road. The Loughborough's moved house on Wednesday and Thursday 13,14 August. Loughborough and Judd spent a great deal of time painting, fixing the roof, and making shelves and bookcases. 'Ravenswood' was a vast improvement on 'Stanley Cottage' for it gave the Mission space to administer its business and serve as a depository. Its 18'x36' hall was converted into a meeting room for 200 persons and the fifteen or seventeen other rooms served for smaller meetings and accomodation for the entire missionary family. The property was in 'Chancery' and rented to the Mission at an annual cost of $200.16´┐ŻHere the British Mission headquarters was to stay until moved to Grimsby, Lincolnshire in 1884.
Distributation of Church Publications in Britain
Ings commenced to follow up the contacts he had made on earlier visits to Southampton. Writing on 23 January 1879 he spoke of the encouraging prospects for the cause in England. He found those who had accepted his teaching during the previous summer "strong in the faith," and rallied behind Lougborough in extending the interest by visiting, preaching and through correspondence.17´┐ŻHowever, for Ings his personal interest was in finding ways to get the church's literature in the hands of as many persons as possible. He began immediately to visit house to house, loaning tracts, selling publications and obtaining subscriptions for the church's periodicals. In one week alone he visited 250 families, leaving them with tracts and papers.18´┐Ż Loughborough was no less active and wrote on 6 January:
I find no abatement of the interest to read on present truth. During the past ten days I have visited three hundred families, and out of this number only one refused to receive tracts. Angels are preparing the way, and minds are impressed that some great event is just before us.19
The two men listed nearly 200 names of interested persons in one week of activity, despite the "coldest week known in this part of England for thirty years."20´┐ŻThree more "substantial" interests joined the other believers. The American periodical Signs, containing as it did articles on the church's beliefs, was intended to be the major literature media within England until Loughborough could produce his own paper. Ings believed "the Signs takes with the people," and he planned to obtain as many paying subscribers as possible. He encouraged his friends in America to send their papers to friends and others in England, with the assurance that such would be "read with interest, and will be loaned." He believed that "hundreds of copies could be used to good account in Southampton, if we only had them." In fact, "thousands of copies would be read with the greatest of interest all over England."21´┐ŻLoughborough agreed, adding that "out of these thousands God will move scores and hundreds to obey the truth," adding, "this is our faith."22
In opening this branch of the Mission's work they immediately found themselves short of the Signs. They obviously had a good plan, which they were convinced would work, but presently lacked the vital means of operating it successfully. On 9 January Loughborough reported to the American membership:
In opening this branch of the work we found ourselves short of copies of the Signs. Bro. Ings had only a club of ten copies. He immediately sent to Oakland for another club of ten, and I sent for a club of ten, making us in all thirty copies. This is hardly a drop in the bucket.23
One member in Massachusetts had offered twenty-five, and they wrote immediately to her accepting the offer. This would make a total of fifty-five a week. Loughborough believed they could use at least five hundred copies weekly. He reminded his friends in America that before he left for England some had promised that if he found interested readers in England they would send Signs. He now encouraged them to invest the sum of $6, $12, or even $24 in "clubs" of the Signs.24´┐ŻBy March some had responded so that they had about fifty each week. Even the Oakland Church in California sent 130 to Southampton although they had immediate burdens of their own, and acted against the advice of the General Conference. Looking ahead Loughborough felt he would need fifty each day just for his planned tent meetings.25
In visiting house to house Ings found he could indeed cover as many as 250 homes in a week looking for interested persons. With many of these he left tracts and papers, and found that these were often given or loaned to others, including clergymen. Loughborough observed that in Britain as in America those receiving the truth "catch the missionary spirit." Some persons were willing to help circulate the church literature even though they "have not fully taken their stand with us," some even who were "not connected with the mission" or even declining to accept the message.26´┐ŻBy March hundreds were reading these tracts and papers, some writing encouraging letters of thanks, and minds were "being agitated" on the subject of the Sabbath. This enthusiastic missionary work continued and was a great source of encouragement to the missionaries.27
The greatest interest of the visited public appears to have been in the Signs, which many prounounced "the best and most instructive paper they ever saw." Loughborough was moved by this "the greatest eagerness" to read the periodical and it was "a grief to us to see the people literally begging for them when we have none for them."28´┐ŻHowever, so well did the American membership respond to Loughborough's appeals for Signs that by the beginning of April he was writing that "we now have about all we can manage with our current force."29
Meanwhile Ings, who believed that some persons at least were able to purchase his literature, had obtained a government license immediately on arrival in Southampton for an annual fee of $1.25 (5/-) granting him the privilege to sell his publications anywhere in the county of Hampshire. For 12 cents (6d) this was endorsed by Southampton Borough police, extending the right to sell in the town itself. His first attempts at selling indicated that money was scarce among those to whom he had access.30´┐ŻHowever, by the beginning of March he was somewhat encouraged, having obtained twenty-five subscriptions to the periodicals Signs and Instructor since 5 January. A number of subscribers paid by the week, "that is the mode of 'taking in' papers here, especially with those of moderate means," Loughborough explained. By March the Mission had sold from its depository, through mail order and otherwise, books to the amount of $25 ( 5).31
By the beginning of April the mission was sending out 200 copies of Signs through the post to selected names, and to all parts of England, Scotland and Wales,32´┐Żand this increased by the end of the month to 250.33´┐ŻIn addition to the Signs, forty copies of the Instructor were being sent weekly from Battle Creek, and these also were finding readers in one way or another.34
Correspondence continued with members in America through the Review and Signs, through a concentration of news relating to the public tent meeting series being conducted in Southampton by Loughborough during the months of May to August. The literature work did not seem to have lessened, and we find Ings continuing his house to house work and following up interested readers of Signs and Good Health. By the end of the summer there were 1,500 names on an interest list, resulting in correspondence from all parts of the British Isles.35´┐ŻIn some parts of the country whole neighborhoods were reportedly reading the Signs with interest.36
One of the first things Loughborough did after settling into his new home was to purchase a "papiographic press" on which he would prepare stencils for mission letters.37´┐ŻIngs continued to make a point of gathering names of persons "who will read our publications with candor." Those he visited gave him names of their friends who lived in all parts of Great Britain and elsewhere. Many of the earlier contacts came from the editors of Signs. Even within the first month of the Mission Loughborough and Ings had more names than they could possibly correspond with on a genera1 basis, and were forced to send to various Vigilant Missionay Societies in America requesting that they correspond with these people in the United Kingdom, as they had promised to do when the Mission was begun.38´┐ŻIn March Loughborough records sending over 100 names of persons for Vigilant Missionary Society workers in America to use in connection with their distribution of Signs.39´┐ŻBy the end of March they reported a total of 382 names sent to America for believers there to correspond with.40
Loughborough's plan was for his team of workers to specifically write to only those individuals in Britain who showed a marked interest in their message. Consequently he encouraged the Vigilant Missionary Societies in America to let him have such names from their ongoing correspondence which showed this kind of interest, giving the facts concerning them.41´┐ŻOne man in San Francisco, who formerly resided in Southampton, sent names of sixty persons of his acquaintance with whom he and others promised to open up correspondence, sending them reading matter.42
Among those with whom Loughborough corresponded were those societies advocating various health behavior styles. Early, Loughborough had observed the principles of "health reform" gaining ground in Great Britain. He noticed that the secular papers of Southampton had published several articles on health matters from the editor of the Dietetic Reformer and other persons. As these articles appeared so Loughborough took advantage of the situation and entered into correspondence with the writers, calling attention to the church's journal Good Health43´┐Żand other health publications.44
Letters and literature so sent "to different parts of the kingdom," received many favorable replies and requests to enter into further correspondence. Loughborough indicated that of 200 names from various sources in different parts of the kingdom, only two had declined to read Signs. Whenever possible Loughborough would visit with those persons, especially if close to Southampton.45´┐ŻThroughout the years Loughborough shared exerpts from many of these letters with believers in America through Review and Signs and they were no doubt a source of encouragement to those with an interest in the British Mission.
In the first three months of the Mission Loughborough and Ings made such an impression with their hard work as to warrent thanks in poetic form from Mrs. L. O'Neill who had lately embraced the Sabbath. Her $1 (4/-) donation was soon spent, but her labor of appreciation still lives on:
THE ENGLISH MISSION
Far across the mighty deep
God's faithful servants came,
From the New World to the Old,
Glad tidings to proclaim;
To found a mission for the truth;
God grant that it may be
Sustained of Heaven, and fruit appear
May those who hear, not idle stand,
But cast the seed abroad,
And lend a faithful, helping hand
In bringing souls to God.
And may there be a harvest rich
Yet found on English soil;
God bless the missionaries in
Their ardent earnest toil.
Oh! may this glorious truth extend,
With conquest through the land,
And Sabbath-keepers soon appear,
A strong and numerous band.
We thank our friends with one consent,
Beyond the rolling sea,
For sending help to lead us forth
To light and liberty.46
Missionary Work on Ships
In the second half of the nineteenth century ship evangelism was claimed to be distinctly American, so much so that overseas the American flag had become associated with the Bible and tracts. In 1879 the "Sailors Magazine" reported that for several years, and with increasing success, the American Bible and Tract Societies had availed themselves of a ship ministry in order to distribute Bibles and tracts to all parts of the world. In their efforts toward world evangelization the sailors had became one of the most efficient colporteur groups, visiting in places where others could not go. The Societies' report for the year 1877 indicated 10,989 copies of the scriptures, most1y New Testament, and 2,200,000 pages of tracts sent overseas on 1,327 vessels. One such vessel could call at as many as fifty different ports in a single month.47
It is not surprising to find that Seventh-day Adventists, believing that they had a world-wide messsage, had already availed themselves of the same commercial shipping lanes as others in America for reaching the various countries of the globe. The Seventh-day Adventist California Tract Society, established during the presidency of Loughborough, reporting on "this department of the work" for an eighteen month period, 1878 to 1879, indicated the involvement of a number of persons, of whom two were being engaged specifically in this work, one giving his "entire time," the other, who was in training, "will give a considerable portion." Both had been sea-faring men and understood sailors and "their customs and manners of living," These two men had visited 224 vessels, distributing 6,956 Signs and other periodicals, representing 83,353 pages. Superintendents of the Pacific Mail and Occidental and Oriental Steamship Companies specifically gave permission for Seventh-day Adventist literature to be placed on their steamers which sailed to Australia, Japan, China, Central America, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Europe. Twenty-four light-houses on the Pacific coast were also supplied with literature. To a more limited extent, the same work was being carried out in Portland, Maine, and New Bedford and Boston, Massachusetts. By this means Seventh-day Adventists claimed literature was finding its way to all parts of the world.48
It is no little wonder that the leadership both in America and with the British Mission saw the vast potential of ship work in and out of the United Kingdom. Writing of this Loughborough noted the superiority of the commercial shipping businesses of the United Kingdom:
England is an important point from which to distribute reading matter all over the world, being the mother country, or home port, of a kingdom "on whose soil the sun never sets." As one English writer says: "Before the sun's evening rays leave the spires of Quebec, his morning beams have shone three hours on Port Jackson, and while sinking from the waters of Lake Superior, his eyes open upon those of the Ganges."
There is a continual passing and repassing of ships from England to all the numerous branches of this vast kingdom, which embraces possessions in Europe, Asia. and Africa, as well as America and numerous islands of the sea.
Since the completion of the Suez Canal, connecting the Mediterranean and the Red Seas, transit is more rapid and more frequent to the East Indies, Bombay, Calcutta, etc.
Before me is a table making a comparison of the ships of all nations that passed through the canal from May 1, 1878, to April 30, 1879. In that time, one year, just one solitary American vessel of two thousand tons burthen went through the canal, while of English vessels there was 1,173 bearing 1,686,239 tons of freight. The highest number of vessels from any other nation was France, which passed through only ninety two vessels.49
Loughborough had heard from Ings regarding the potential in British shipping evangelism, but only began to understand something of this at his first visits to the port of Southampton. He came away believing that "it is a point where we can do much missionary work on ships."50
For the first two months or so following his arrival in Southampton Ings did little to continue his experimenta1 ship work of six months previous. This was due to not having much literature,51´┐Żand perhaps too, to the dock strikes throughout the country.52´┐ŻHowever, from the beginning of March until mid-November Ings, and maybe Loughborough, had visited 158 vessels, distributing 2,469 periodicals and 6,618 pages of tracts.53´┐ŻThe mission report to America on this aspect of their work reveals the importance to them and the church of ship ministry in the plan of world evangelism at this time:
Of these vessels sixty five went to the different ports on the coast of England, thirteen to the West Indies, ten to Central and South America, leaving publications at Lisbon in Portugal, and other points along the way; ten went to North America, ten through the Mediterranean Sea, Suez Canal, and Red Sea, to Bombay, Calcutta and the East Indies, etc. Seven have taken packages to Scotland and six to different points in Denmark, upon which we placed Danish reading matter; six took packages for the Madeira Islands and the Cape of Good Hope; four sailed to different points in Russia; five to Italy with Italian tracts; three to France; five to Norway; three to Rotterdam and different ports in Holland; three to different points on the Baltic Sea; one to Finland; one to Ireland; one to Sweden; two to Eastern Africa; and two were making a tour around the world.54
The kind of results accomplished by the periodicals are seen in this year-end report:
A gentleman in Gibralter has become deeply interested in the Signs, and carefully distributes them to the English readers at that point. A marine in the British Navy on the Red Sea has read the Signs and endorses the doctrine it advocates. He takes delight in reading the paper to groups of sailors on shipboard. He writes that many prefer to remain on the ships and hear him read rather than go on shore for dissipation. This man is deeply interested in our mission here, and proposes to contribute something for its support. On one of the vessels to Scotland the steward became so interested in reading Signs that, on his return, he hailed Bro.Ings on the docks, and requested another supply of papers. He said his friends in Scotland made him promise to bring them 'some of these wonderful papers,' and he has made arrangements to take a supply each trip (once in two weeks), and place them in the hands of those desirious of reading them.55
Much of the distribution of publications by ship was necessarily dependent on the good will of captains, stewards, and sailors. By the end of January a "near neighbor" to Loughborough, and "a man of authority at the docks "volunteered to place the church's publications on ship to different parts of the world.56´┐ŻIn British ports vessels were placed in the hands of ship-keepers until they sailed again. In Southampton three such ship-keepers became "deeply interested" during the Mission's first year, and "render us great assistance in securing a proper distribution of packages prepared for the ships."57
This ship work ministry did also have some local benefits to the Mission with individual sailors joining themselves to the Mission and some even becoming Sabbath-keepers. Others distributed literature in local ports of the United Kingdom.58´┐ŻLiterature was probably placed in a number of seaport reading rooms on request such as in "a seaport in Lincolnshire," possibly Grimsby.59
By the close of the Mission's first year Loughborough was able to assess a little better just how profitable their ship ministry had been in the church's overall planning and expansion, and believed that it "has been increasing in interest and importance every week."60´┐ŻLoughborough understood however that more could have been done if they had not been without material in the different languages with which to work. At this time there was a great German emigratian to the United States and the North German Lloyd Line from Breman to New York stopped at Southampton for several hours every Tuesday. With as many as two to four hundred passengers aboard going to all parts of America. Loughborough thought "what an excellent chance to introduce Stimme der Wahrheit into the various German communities in America and into all parts of Germany" on the return voyage. Ings had ten copies only, which he had personally paid for and he asked for someone to provide fifty or sixty. The same was said regarding the ships from Norway, Denmark, and Sweden. They had but five copies of Tidernes Tegi, and a few tracts and again he asked for more copies "from some source." Still he was convinced that "the Signs distributed by sea and land have done a great work."61
Loughborough's reports of work in Britain, especially aboard ships, stirred the minds of leaders in America with the true possibilities of spreading their message to the world:
Bro. Loughborough has obtained a foothold in old England, upon whose dominions the sun never sets; and thousands of copies of our papers and tracts are being circulated there, and are being sent by English ships to all parts of the world. Reports received recently of this branch of the work are of thrilling interest, and suggest thoughts of what may and will be when these enterprises are firmly established and in full operation.
Thus we may see that many of the leading races and nations of the world are already having access to the light of present truth.62
Public Meeting Evangelism
Loughborough wasted no time in meeting his public. On the evening of his first Sunday in town, 5 January 1879, he preached his first sermon, speaking by request to 150 persons in Shirley Hall, a facility held and controlled by a society calling themselves "Free Evangelists." He spoke from Heb.5:8-9, explaining the obedience of Jesus Christ who, through that obedience, became the author of eternal salvation. Some in the congregation were "moved to tears."63
However, Loughborough had come to England to preach all his beliefs, and those of his church in a planned, systematic manner. As soon as 9 January, less than two weeks after his arrival in England, he was writing to the Review on his plans for public meetings in England, and that he would be engaged in the first series before his article reached America.64´┐ŻIngs, writing to America on 23 January, indicated that Loughborough was also planning on the use of a tent for a series of meetings in the summer months.65
Loughborough must have been impressed with Shirley Hall, and its controllers with him and his message, for on Saturday 11 January he engaged the hall for two evenings a week in which to proclaim his views. His plans had been to conduct "about four meetings per week", but this was not to be. He regretted not being able to rent the room on a Sunday evening, obviously a good time to attract people to a religious meeting, but settled for a Monday and Wednesday with a possible third evening or Sunday occasionally rather than have no meetings at all.66
Shirley Hall was situated a half mile walking distance from the Loughborough's residence, near the center of Shirley. The hall had a seating capacity of 250 persons and was obtained for $1 (4/-) per night rental charge, including heat and lighting, which Loughborough considered reasonable. The meeting place served both Old Shirley and New Shirley which together boasted a population of some 6,000. These meetings were to be a learning experience for a man who admitted, "we long to be speaking to the people," despite the fact that he was "somewhat affected by the change of climate from California to England."67
Unfortunately for Loughborough the week he started his first public series was the coldest known in this part of England in thirty years. However, Loughborough began his series on the following Monday evening. Despite the fact that it was very dark and foggy, and some lost their way in getting to the meeting, they had "a fair audience". Loughborough spoke on Dan.2 and the prophecy of the earthly kingdoms' decline and the coming of the kingdom of heaven. His audience heard him with "marked attention." On the Wednesday he had an increase in his audience.68´┐ŻThe numbers and interest steadily increased at Shirley Hall over the weeks of the meetings, indicated somewhat by the increased contributions of those attending, which amounted to about one-third of the meeting hall costs.69
At the end of February the Mission began a Sunday afternoon 3.00 P.M. Bible-class at the Loughborough home just down the road. This class also increased in numbers and the interest deepened. It began with topics on the Sabbath, including the Sabbath and first-day in the New Testament, and the Biblical and secular history of the Sabbath.70´┐ŻObviously Loughborough had in mind a progression in interest and commitment to the truth he proclaimed through the weekly meetings. From Shirley Hall those with the greatest interest would progress to study on Sunday afternoon, and from there he hoped would begin attendance on the Sabbath, the signing of a covenant to keep all the commandments of God, and eventual baptism and church membership.
At the end of February, after fifteen meetings in Shirley Hall, Loughborough realized that some evenings, due to the bitter cold or very stormy weather, the congregation was not large. No matter how many were present the rent of $1 (4/-) remained the same. The meeting series was consequently moved to the three lower rooms of his house where they could hold four evening meetings each week, including Sundays. Perhaps more appealing to Loughborough was the fact that at his home he was able to supply a fire in each room and make the people more comfortable than in the hall.71´┐ŻAs a result of the Shirley Hall meetings four individuals "accepted the truth."72
At the end of March a Sabbath School was organized for the children of the Sabbathkeepers, and in connection with the Sunday afternoon Bible class Loughborough now started a Sunday School. This was intended for children who did not yet attend the newly organized Sabbath School on Saturday because their parents did not attend the Sabbath meeting.73´┐ŻIt was a means of instruction to prepare children of interested persons should their parents commence worship on the Sabbath.
On Monday 14 April 1879, in connection with his other work, Loughborough visited a family in Coxford, a few miles away, who had been receiving Signs. Loughborough found that the paper was in fact being read by four families, and as a result of their interest the family invited him to stay and hold a meeting for them and several of their neighbors. He visited again the next week, 21 April, only to find more persons present, and decided to hold meetings in Coxford each Monday "for the present."74
Writing to the Review on 3 April Loughborough stated that "we now have about six meetings a week, and these, with our visiting and necessary missionary correspondence, keep us busy."75´┐ŻThe congregation at the weekly Bible studies were about as large as they could accommodate.76´┐ŻThe Sunday-school also continued to grow and create interest.77´┐ŻHow true was the comment of Ings that "Bro.L is full of hope and courage, and enters upon his work with zeal."78
Having felt the need for additional workers to assist in his Mission, and when the church in America failed to send Joseph Smith, Haskell, or anyone else, Loughborough invited Sisley to come to Southampton from Switzerland. After spending some time with friends in Tunbridge, the place of her birth, she arrived to help Loughborough and Ings Southampton on Tuesday 15 April as a Bible reader and colporteur in connection with the planned tent meetings to commence in May.79
Andrews, who should have returned from America to Britain with Loughborough, had remained and passed through the trauma of his daughter's death from consumption and the discovery of his own weakening health. However he left New York 29 May 1879 aboard the steamship Virginia.80´┐ŻWith him came Anna Dyer to help in the Swiss publishing work, perhaps to replace Sisley and his neice.81´┐ŻNo doubt Andrews chose to sail on the Virginia because it berthed at Glasgow docks in Scotland, and would give him the chance to visit again the Sabbath-keepers he had met in 1874.82´┐ŻSince the departure of Wardner they had had no minister. Perhaps he also wanted to look into the possibilities of commencing work in Scotland as he had earlier promised in 1874 and had been requested until 1878. White had personally encouraged him to spend some time in "Old England" prior to his return to Switzerland,83´┐Żand this he planned to do.
On arrival at Glasgow Andrews followed up on the earlier friendships and interests. He visited with William Wills, a draper living at 14 Findley Street,84´┐Żwho, although not a Sabbath-keeper, did have "a very deep interest in the promulgation of the subjecv". He also visited Miss Marion Bernstein and her mother at 5 Dunrobin Place, Paisley Road. Bernstein had been observing the Sabbath for many years, her mother from just a few years previously. Andrews "found them in circumstances of distress"85´┐ŻAndrews promised to return in the summer of 1880 to hold tent meetings in Glasgow, if fit enough to do so. Mills' name was again linked with those plans.86
On arrival in London Andrews was met by his long time friend Jones and by Barber. The day following Andrews was taken with chills and fever, and was glad to accept the hospitality of the Jones' for several days. He believed his "strength was not adequate for the journey,"87´┐Żalthough the problem was not sufficient to prevent his attendance at Sabbath services in the Mill Yard, with "about forty persons present and all friends of the Sabbath."88´┐ŻFollowing a "conference" with Jones he discovered that his condition was becoming more severe, and thought it best to get to Southampton as fast as possible and before things got worse. This he did on Wednesday 18 June, suffering much all the way, arriving at 2.30P.M. Even on 24 June he was still "obliged to keep my bed, and have had chills and fever considerable of the time" (sic). This "convulsive effort of nature" left him bedridden for virtually the whole time of his stay in England, a guest of the Loughboroughs.89´┐ŻDuring all the period of Andrews' stay in Southampton Loughborough was conducting tent meetings, and the members of his family were engaged in visiting from house to house. Andrews deeply regretted that he had brought the burden of his sickness on the Loughboroughs "when they have so many burdens to bear." However, after fourteen days the fever left Andrews, and within three weeks his appetite returned, although he was still obliged to keep to his bed. On 3 July he wrote that he would soon be able to sit up,90´┐Żand this he was able to do by 17 July, looking forward to being better fitted for God's work than he had ever been before.91
The time spent in Southampton, although a very trying one for both Andrews and the Loughborough family, did give Andrews opportunity to observe Loughborough's work and the advance of the Mission in England. In future months he was able to give needed support to Loughborough with the General Conference where no one else could because they lacked personal observation of the particular situations which faced Loughborough during his first year.
At the beginning of April it is apparent that Loughborough is not altogether satisfied with the progress being made in "Old England." He sees that "the cause advances," even "if not as rapidly as we may desire, it moves nevertheless, and is gettlng hold of minds."92
In Loughborough's mind tent evangelism is perhaps the answer. As early as 23 January Ings is indicating that Loughborough is expected to use a tent for a summer campaign, and consequently reach a greater number of hearers.93´┐ŻBy 10 February Loughborough is talking with a Mr. Lawrence about a tent and bargaining for a good price.94´┐ŻBy early March he is writing of his plan for a sixty foot tent that would be operational by 1 May 1879. He believed that with this tent and by thorough advertizing he would get the attention of the public.95
Holding public meetings in a tent was not new to the Christian denominations in America, certainly not to the Seventh-day Adventists and to Loughborough. The conducting of meetings in a tent was in fact an early Adventist tradition. The practice had been common and used by Miller and Hines in the l844 advent movement.96´┐ŻThe first tent used by Sabbatarian Adventists had been purchased from first-day Adventists, and Loughborough had been the first to use it in 1854.97´┐ŻIn 1854 three tents were put into service by Sabbatarian Adventists, 20 were purchased in the summer of 1873 for use in various states,98´┐Żand by 1876 "some fifty" mostly sixty feet in diameter, were in constant use.99
For ten years prior to his appointment to England Loughborough had been involved in the opening up of a mission in California, and as late as 18 July 1878 had pitched a 60 foot diameter tent in Reno, Nevada, and continued tent evangelism until l8 August in order to help in the beginnings of that mission.100
Loughborough was pleased that he could in fact get a tent in England, and for about the same cost as he would pay for one in California. The tent was to be of ten-ounce duck, sixty feet in diameter, with nine foot walls and side poles, centered on one main pole. The cost quoted was $425 ( 85). Completion date would be 21 April.101´┐ŻAlthough the materials would cost more than in America the labor would be cheaper. Equiping the interior of the tent would be "quite expensive," the boards for the seating being made from imported soft pine "deal wood" from Canada.102
As work on the tent progressed so interest in it and its intended use increased, and consequently funds were donated to help meet its cost. One man, not a Sabbatarian, sent $15 ( 3) with promise of further help.103´┐ŻAnother sent $5 ( 1)104´┐Żand a friend in the area gave $50 ( 10) to aid in the tent purchase.105´┐ŻOne lady in the north of England wrote that she had "dedicated a plot of our garden to the Lord, for the English mission, and have planted it with snow drops." ´┐ŻShe promised, "You shall have what they make for your tent." As they looked promising she expected a yield worth $5 ( 1), and advanced that amount. If the plot did well she promised more,106´┐Żwhich it apparently did for she sent him a further $2 (8/-).107´┐ŻThe tent-maker, a man of considerable means, on learning the nature of Loughborough's work, at once dropped $75 ( 15) off the cost of the tent and donated "a nice British flag, fifteen feet in length, to put on our tent."108´┐ŻThe tent was completed for the beginning of May.109´┐ŻBy 17 May Loughborough had received $110 ( 22) in donations toward the tent, nearly one quarter the cost.110
Loughborough had originally indicated to White that the cost of the tent would be $600 ( 120), including the furnishings and making it ready for meetings. The actual cost for tent, seats, lamps, carpet, harmonium, etc did not exceed $575 ( 115). They had purchased a harmonium for $40 ( 8), which in America would have sold for $125 ( 25). The tent itself cost $425 ( 85) and Loughborough considered it "a bargain for a canvass tent."111
While watching the tent being made Loughborough considered that "in some respects it is an improvement over any tent I have had in America."112´┐ŻAfter delivery of the tent he stated to his American brethren, "Our tent is now completed, and is really the best one for a single top I ever had." So impressed was Loughborough with this tent that he went to great lengths to describe it for the American membership.113´┐Ż Loughborough put his carpentary skills to work yet again and spent Thursday 24 April making the pulpit for the tent.114
That Loughborough had put high hopes on this tent for his evangelistic work in England is not difficult to see. He wrote to the American membership that it was his belief "all these things are a token to us that the Lord's hand is set to the work, even here in Great Britain,"115´┐Żand it was apparent to him that "those here who receive the truth seek to do all in their power to advance the cause."116
With spring in the air and summer just around the corner Loughborough prepared to take Southampton by storm by pitching his tent in the heart of the town. It was not, however, an easy matter to procure a central position. This his friends at home would understand and appreciate for they like him had sought central positions for a tent in such cities as New York, Boston, Detroit, and Cincinnati, but Southampton was a city more than 300 years old, and Loughborough wanted his tent in Bar Gate where most of the vacant lots are beautiful public parks or gentlemen's gardens, fenced with iron railings. He was directed to a lot one-half mile from Bar Gate which he considered to much exposed to the wind for his purpose. Another lot, two and one-half miles north of Bar Gate was too far from the borough. They "tried to obtain almost every vacant lot excepting one." On this lot stood a sign: "To be let for one thousand years." The owner was an infidel, but a special friend of Mr Laurance, Loughborough's tent maker. They found him anxious to rent, asking only $1.25 (5/-) per week for two months, or longer if needed. Loughborough was told that "it is the best location for such a meeting in the whole city," and in looking over the situation he agreed that providence had "opened the way in securing the most desirable site for a tent."117´┐ŻHenry Judd began working for Loughborough on the 12 May 1879 and continued through 5 September 1879.118´┐ŻHe acted as tent-master for this series of public meetings.119
Having the best tent he had ever used, and ready to pitch it on the most desirable site, Loughborough now turned his attention to advertizing the meetings. He hired two bill posters who, for $2.50 (10/-) each a month, agreed to keep fresh, large bills on every advertizing place in a radius of three miles from the tent. The semi-weekly Hampshire Independent received a standing notice of the meetings for one month.120´┐ŻLoughborough himself made the sign to go on the tent.121´┐ŻHe would also have put to good use the equipment for duplicating announcements and advertizing which he purchased at the time of a visit to London in February.122´┐ŻLoughborough commenced his series of lectures Sunday l8 May 1879 at 3.30P.M. He conducted a meeting five times each week, two on Sundays and each evening of Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, and with the Sabbath services and Sabbath-school he considered this was "probably all I should undertake alone." Loughborough wrote his Review readers that he considered "our public mission here is now just opening," and believed his labors would not be in vain.123´┐ŻHe would have had some other help other than that given by Judd, especially from Ings and Sisley. Andrews did not give much help due to sickness and the fact that he did not arrive in Southampton until 18 June. Henry Veysey came from Taunton on one weekend and spoke, certainly at the church.124
There were "about 600" at the opening meeting of 18 May.125´┐ŻIt was not until after the fortieth discourse that he presented "the Sabbath question," although in conversation they did explain the subject to some.126´┐ŻBy the time Loughborough had "quite thoroughly canvassed" the subject of the Sabbath he was able to report "the interest is greater than before."127
On 4 July Loughborough wrote with a certain sense of weariness that it had been "raining and cold most of the time since we erected the tent." In fact, on 1 July there had been a heavy gale which necessitated the lowering of the tent, which by then had become "already badly mildewed," and Loughborough despaired that the canvass would last for another year.128´┐ŻHowever, the weather became "milder" during the later part of July and proved "more favorable" to the tent meetings.129´┐ŻThe better weather was short lived. The tent meetings closed on 17 August 1879 after three weeks of meetings. The weather was so "stormy and disagreeable" that Loughborough felt it best to take the tent down in order to preserve it for another summer. Fortunately for him the next day was a fine day for drying the tent, and it was stored away "in good shape." That night it rained, and rained most of the next ten days.130´┐ŻLoughborough had found again that England was not California or Nevada.
Loughborough had conducted fourteen weeks of meetings in the tent, giving seventy-four lectures and maintaining thirteen sessions of Sabbath school and Bible-class in his home, to which interested persons had been introduced. Missionary work from house to house was also carried out. Before closing the meetings Loughborough introduced "the covenant to keep the commandments of God." Over thirty persons signed their names to it. What exactly the signing signified is not certain, especially as Loughborough stated, "others are keeping the Sabbath, and will sign the covenant as they have opportunity."131´┐ŻIngs reported that "the meetings stirred up Southampton considerably." Between thirty and forty persons were now keeping the Sabbath and "many more are convinced, some of whom will yet obey."132
One month later on Sunday 24 August meetings began in the renovated´┐Ż hall at 'Ravenswood' with about 100 in attendance. Loughborough considered it "a very favorable opening."134´┐ŻFor three weeks from this date little is known concerning public meetings at 'Ravenswood'. There is no doubt that Loughborough continued them, for in November he writes that they are "fairly attended", but that the cold weather came on and those in feeble health were kept away. Two more signed the covenant.135´┐ŻSisley returned to America on Tuesday 28 October 1879 after spending 28 weeks assisting in the establishment of this young Mission.136
Seventh-day Sabbath Meetings
Previous to Loughborough's arrival in Southampton some persons had begun to observe the seventh-day Sabbath as a result of Ings' earlier literature work in that city. In order to accomodate these individuals and the Mission workers, one of the first things Loughborough did after establishing his own home was to commence church worship and study services on the Sabbath day. On 11 January, "a very bleak day, the coldest of the week," the first Sabbath meetings of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in Great Britain commenced to be held in Loughborough's house at "Stanley Cottage," and "a few came in," although several of the women who were already keeping the Sabbath could not attend due to sickness in their families. Loughborough expected that as the weather got milder they would have larger Sabbath congregations.137
Loughborough's concerns were primarily for those who had been convinced on the Sabbath issue, and were keeping the day for worship, but who did not know, or were not committed to other important Seventh-day Adventist beliefs. These he wanted to become "more settled in the truth," to understand other important beliefs of the church.138
Attendance on Sabbaths increased by ones and twos as public meetings progressed in the Shirley Hall and "Shirley Cottage" winter series.139´┐ŻThe same was true with the summer tent meetings. By the end of March at least one whole family had "fully taken their stand," and were a great help and encouragment to the little company, especially in the Sabbath meetings.140´┐ŻConsequently plans were made for commencing a Sabbath-school for the children of those embracing the teachings of the church. This was organized at the end of March and was the first of many such schools established over the years. This first school had seventeen scholars, children of Sabbath-keepers, divided into three classes. By the end of April they had four "large" classes and had added a Bible class for adults, and continued to create interest.141
By the end of July "a number more" had joined in the Sabbath meetings as a result of the summer tent evangelism, and others were "carefully considering the matter." The Sabbath school and Bible class meetings continued each week of the fourteen weeks of the series, and interested people were continually being introduced to the Sabbath at the lectures, and encouraged to join the Sabbath worship.142´┐ŻIn a private letter dated 13 August Ings wrote that the tent meeting had not been in vain and that "there are now between thirty and forty Sabbath-keepers." However, it appears that there were a number of Sabbath-keepers outside the Southampton area. Ings mentions a company in Poole which he presumes is the result of his first summer's work and that of the Vigilant Missionary Societies to whom he sent names.143
Results for the First Year
At the end of the first year of the British Mission Loughborough was "not able to report numbers taking their stand with us." However, despite his possible frustration concerning the apparent slowness of the work Loughborough feels able to write on the day of the anniversary of his landing on British soil, "we have seen that the influence of our work is spreading, and that many, on sea and land, are determined to learn the truth."144´┐ŻThe advance was not only in Southampton, but in other parts "where we are making efforts by the distribution of reading matter and by correspondence."145´┐ŻHe considered that "notwithstanding all opposing influences, the truth is gaining ground. In this we will rejoice."146´┐ŻAndrews, while in England had written that "Brother Loughborough's work seems to be making steady progress," with "some very encouraging cases."147´┐ŻAt the same time he believed "the work here demands great courage, energy, wisdom, and prudence," and expressed hope "that a good degree of success will result from the effort made in this place."148´┐ŻHe had seen firsthand Loughborough laboring "with great faithfulness," and that the work seemed to be making steady progress.149´┐ŻMany times during the year both Loughborough and Ings had indicated positively in letters to America that they considered the work of the mission to be progressing.
On the 3 January 1880 Loughborough submitted his official end of 1879 year report to the leaders in America:
The annual report of T. and M. work at Southampton, for the year ending Jan. 1, 1880, is as follows:-
|" of families visited,
|" " letters written,
|" " " received,
|" " subscribers obtained,
|" " periodicals mailed,
|" " " distributed otherwise,
|Pages of tracts given away,
|" " " and pamplets loaned,
|Amount of tract sales,
|No. of ships visited,
Of the above reading matter, there was placed on ships 1,719 periodicals and 17,730 pages of pamphlets and tracts.150
Certainly the figures represented a great deal of hard, persistent work on the part of the four workers of the Mission. Loughborough personally had held 250 meetings during the twelve month period, so it is little wonder that at times they considered they could do no more.
Loughborough believed that "our people in America, who are using their means in establishing the English Mission, may be interested to learn its financial standing." He had openly shared this information in the pages of the Review. His report covered the expenses of meetings, purchase of tent, renovation and rent of 'Ravenswood', and the cost of mailing literature:
The expenses of holding meetings in the tent and in halls was $129.80. Of this sum, $75.02 was paid in donations.
To February 11, 1880 the expense for rent and fitting up of Ravenswood will be $177,39. Toward this, there has been received for rent of tenements, and as donations, $160.67. Of this sum, the donations were $80.86. The rents still to be collected, and our weekly contributions, will clear this, and leave a slight balance in the treasury.
Of the cost of tent and fixtures, $611.41, the sum of $151.89 was donated here. Of the expense of mailing Signs and other reading matter, which has been $149.93, $114.03 has been paid here. So it will be seen that, although, with the exception of some few donations of provision, nothing has been done here toward supporting the missionaries, yet some proof has been given of the sincerity of the faith of those who have espoused the cause. We hope for still more in the future, as the influence of the truth extends.151
An examination of the above figures reveals that the local British Mission interests did contribute to the work of the Mission, even in this first year. Of the total $1068.53 cost of expenses, local interest donated, or workers paid in rent, $340, so leaving the American membership with a balance of $727.59. Loughborough says that up to January 1880 "$400 had been contributed in England by interested parties for the support of the work,"152´┐Żand Wilcox reported "over $400."153´┐ŻThis balance amount represented primarily the cost of the purchase of the tent and perhaps the expense of public meetings. Workers wages were not covered locally but were being met by the American membership, but even this expense Loughborough believed would, at least in part, be met in the future by the membership of the new mission.
Speaking for himself and the others involved in the work of the Mission, Loughborough summed up their first year in England in the following way:
We know that to introduce the truth into this kingdom will require a steady, earnest, and persevering effort; but in the name of the Lord that effort must be made. In his name we scatter the seeds of truth. If the Lord water the seeds sown, fruit will someday appear. We render praise to God for the tokens we have seen in that time. As we enter upon the new year,- the second of our mission here,- we seek Divine guidance, that this year may tell more for the advancement of truth than has the one already past.154
Loughborough recognised that "it takes a longer time to raise an interest" in England than in America.155
1´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 24 July 1879, p.38;
ST, 31 July 1879, p.230.
2´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45.
3´┐ŻLoughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 3 April 1879, p.110.
4´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 24 April 1879, p.134.
5´┐Ż"Across the Atlantic," ST, 30 January 1879, p.37.
6´┐ŻGeneral Conference Committee, "Our Foreign Missions," RH, 11 December l879, p.189.
7 Loughborough, "British Mission," RH, 20 February 1883, p.124, quoting British Supplement 19.
8Ings to White, "Letter From England," RH, 5 September 1878, p.87; ST, 19 September 1878, p.277.
"Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p,45.
11´┐ŻLoughborough failed to explain however that because of the situation of the Isle of Wight at the entrance to Southampton Waters the docks receive four tides a day instead of the customary two. Consequently the tide had a natural low fall.
13´┐Żibid.; The Mayflower was of course fitted out at Harwich, Essex, and there received its name change before making for Southampton and Plymouth.
14´┐ŻLoughborough, "Across the Atlantic," ST, 30 January 1879, p.37.
15´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 1-3 January 1879.
16´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 21 August 1879, p.70; Diary, 13,14 August, 2-12 September, 9,10 October, 4 November 1879; ST, 28 August 1879, p.262; RP, p.321; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
17´┐ŻIngs to Battle Creek Vigilant Missionary Society, 23 January 1879, "England," RH, 13 February 1879, p.53.
18´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45; 13 February 1879, p.53.
20´┐Żibid.; Loughborough, Diary, 20 January-5 February 1879.
21´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45; 13 February 1879, p.53.
22´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45.
24´┐Żibid. "Clubs" refered to a given number of the periodical of the same issue all sent to the same address, thereby lowering the cost. Periodicals coming to England could not be mailed as in America. They had to be wrapped in tough paper, and in bundles tied with string. Because of the postal treaty with Great Britain single copies, not exceeding four ounces, cost 2 cents (1 penny) in postage. However, where a number were sent in a bundle of less than four ounces the rate was still the same. By December 1879 the publishing houses in America had secured more advantageous rates from European Express Companies by which they were able to send clubs of papers directly from the publisher, "thereby saving a large amount." The time for such mail to reach England was about fourteen days. See Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 17 April 1979, p.126; W. C. White, "Our Foreign Papers," RH, British Supplement, 18 December 1879, p.3.
25´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 3 April 1879, p.ll0; "Signs for England," ST, 27 February 1879, p.72.
26´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 17 April 1879, p.126.
27´┐Żibid., 6 February 1879, p.45; 13 February 1879, p.53; 8 May 1879, p.150; "The Sabbath Question in England," 27 March 1879, p.101.
28´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 13 February 1879, p.53.
29´┐Żibid., 17 April 1879, p.126; ST, 24 April 1879, p.136.
30´┐ŻLoughborough, "England," RH, 27 February 1879, p,70; "Southampton, England," 3 April 1879, p.110.
31´┐Żibid., "Southampton, England," RH, 27 March 1879, p.102.
32´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 24 April 1879, p.134; ST, 8 May 1879, p.150.
33´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 8 May 1879, p.150.
34´┐Żibid., l7 April 1879, p.126.
35´┐ŻIngs, "England," RH, 4 September 1879, p.86; Loughborough, "Southampton, England," 20 November 1879, p.166.
36´┐Żibid., 19 June 1879, p.196.
37´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 5 February, 8 April 1879.
38´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45.
39´┐Żibid., 3 April 1879, p.110.
40´┐Żibid., 17 April 1879, p.126; ST, 24 April 1879, p.136.
41´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45.
42´┐Żibid., 3 April 1879, p.110.
43´┐ŻSee, SDAE, art., "Good Health."
44´┐ŻLoughborough, "England," RH, 27 February 1879, p. 70; "Southampton, England," ST, 13 March 1879, p.86.
45´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 17 April 1879, p.126; "Southampton, England," RH, 1 May 1879, p.142.
46´┐ŻRH, 3 April 1879, p.110.
47´┐Ż"Truth By Sea," RH, 23 January 1879, p.32, quoting Sailor's Magazine.
48´┐ŻMaria L. Huntley, "Missionary Work on Shipboard," RH, Supplement, 18 December 1879, p.5. The writer was probably Miss Maria Huntley (1847-1890) secretary of the International Tract Society in America. See SDAE, art., "Huntley, Maria L."
49´┐Żibid.; Port Jackson is near Sydney, New South Wales, Australia. The vastness of the British Empire was commonly expressed in terms "on whose soil the sun never sets," to which the native colonial would add: "Because God does not trust them in the dark"!
50´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45.
51´┐ŻHuntley, "Missionary Work on Shipboard," RH, Supplement 18 December 1879, p.5.
52´┐ŻEditor, "The Strikes in England," RH, 27 February 1879, p.68.; Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45.
53´┐ŻHuntley, "Missionary Work," RH, Supplement 18 December 1879, p.5.
56´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, Eng.," ST, 13 March 1879, p.86.
58´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 22 January 1880, p.60.
59´┐ŻLoughborough, "England," RH, 27 February 1879, p. 70; "Southampton, Eng.," ST, 13 March 1879, p.86. Today Grimsby is in Humberside County.
60´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, Supplement 18 December 1879, p.3.
62´┐ŻGeneral Conference Committee, "Our Foreign Missions," RH, 11 December 1879, p.l89.
63´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45; RP, pp.320,321; Wilcox, HS, p.81.
64´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45.
65´┐ŻIngs to Battle Creek Vigilant Missionary Society, 23 January 1879, "England," RH, 13 February l879, p.55.
66´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 6 February 1879, p.45; 13 February 1879, p.53.
67´┐Żibid., 6 February 1879, p.45.
68´┐Żibid., 13 February 1879, p.53.
69´┐ŻLoughborough, "England," RH, 27 February 1879, p.70; "Southampton, England," 27 March 1879, p.102; "Southampton, Eng.," ST, 13 March 1879, p.86.
70´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 27 March 1879, p.102; 3 April 1879, p.ll0; 17 April l879, p.126; ST, 24 April 1879, p.136.
72´┐ŻLoughborough, RP, p.321; Wilcox, HS, p.81.
73´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton. England," RH, 24 April 1879, p.134.
74´┐Żibid.; Loughborough, Diary, 14-21 April 1879.
75´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 24 April 1879, p.134.
76´┐Żibid., 15 May 1879, p.157.
77´┐Żibid., 8 May 1879, p.150.
78´┐Żibid., 13 February 1879, p.53.
79´┐Żibid., 1 May 1879, p.142; ST, 8 May 1879, p.150; Loughborough, Diary, 15 April 1879; RP, p.321.
80´┐ŻAndrews, RH, 26 June 1879, p.4.
81´┐Żibid., RH, 15 May 1879; see HS,----
82´┐ŻAndrews, "Arrival at Southampton, England," RH, 17 July 1879, p.28.
83´┐ŻWhite to J. N. Andrews, Letter 5, December 1878.
84´┐ŻThis may be a mistranscription of Mills, see Leonard, AMM, p.238, and Loughborough's reference to Mills as Wardner's main support and a friend of Adventists.
85´┐ŻAndrews, RH, 26 June 1879, p.4; "Arrival at Southampton, England," RH, I7 July 1879, p.28; ST, 24 July 1879, p.220.
86´┐ŻLoughborough, Correspondence, (Washington DC: Archives of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists), 18 February 1880.
87´┐ŻAndrews, "Note from Elder Andrews," ST, 14 August 1879, p.248.
88´┐ŻSM, July 1879, p.126.
89´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 18 June 1879; Andrews, "Arrival in Southampton, England," ST, 24 July 1879, p.220.
91´┐ŻAndrews, "Note from Elder Andrews," RH, 7 August 1879, p.52.
92´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 1 May 1879, p.142.
93´┐ŻIngs to Vigilant Missionary Society of Battle Creek, 23 January 1879, "England," RH, 13 February 1879, p.53.
94´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 10,19 February 1879.
95´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 27 March 1879, p.l02.
96´┐ŻNichol, MC, pp.108,114,117,121,142-144,201,218,219
97´┐ŻArthur Whitfield Spalding, Captains of the Host, (Washington, D.C.: Review and Herald Pub. Assn., 1949.), pp.351,352. See also Loughborough, RP, pp.199,200.
98´┐ŻLoughborough, RP, p.295.
99´┐Żibid., pp.303,304. See also Editorial, "Seventeen Fold," RH, 6 July 1876.
100´┐Żibid.; Loughborough, RP, p.3ll.
101´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 17 April l879, p.126; ST, 24 April 1879, p.136.
102´┐Żibid., RH, 27 March 1879, p.102.
104´┐Żibid., 3 April l879, p.110.
105´┐Żibid., 24 April l879, p.134.
106´┐Żibid., 15 May 1879, p.157; ST, 28 August 1879, p.262.
107´┐Żibid., 2l August 1879, p.70.
108´┐Żibid., 27 March 1879, p.102.
109´┐Żibid., 8 May 1879, p.150.
110´┐Żibid., 5 June 1879, p.180.
111´┐Żibid., 17 April 1879, p.126; 15 May 1879, p.l57; Wilcox, HS, p.81.
112´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 24 April 1879, p.134.
113´┐Żibid., 15 May 1879, p.157.
114´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 24 April 1879.
115´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 24 April 1879, p.134.
116´┐Żibid., 15 May 1879, p.157.
117´┐Żibid., 5 June 1879, p.180.
118´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 1879. This information appeared as a note on the diary's header page.
119´┐ŻLoughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 5 August 1880, p.104.
120´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 5 June 1879, p.180.
121´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 19 May 1879.
122´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, Wednesday 17 February 1879.
123´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 5 June 1879, p.180.
124´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 30 June,1,5,6,July 1879.
125´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," ST, 26 June 1879, p.199; Wilcox, HS, p.81.
126´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," ST, 31 July 1879, p.230.
127´┐Żibid., 28 August 1879, p.262.
128´┐Żibid., 31 July 1879, p.230.
129´┐Żibid., 28 August 1879, p.262.
130´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 18 September 1879, p.100; RP, p.321.
131´┐Żibid.; ST, 26 June 1879, p.199; RP, p.321; Wilcox, HS, pp.81,82.
132´┐ŻIngs to ----, 13 August 1879, "England," RH, 4 September l879, p.86; "Southampton, Eng.," ST, 11 September 1879, p.279.
134´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 18 September 1879, p.100; RP, p.321.
135´┐Żibid., "Southampton, England," RH, 20 November 1879, p.166.
136´┐ŻLoughborough, Diary, 28 October 1879.
137´┐Żibid., 6 February 1879, p.45; 13 February 1879, p.53; "Southamption, Eng.," ST, 13 March 1879, p.81; RP, p.321; Wilcox, HS, p.81.
138´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 13 February 1879, p.53.
139´┐Żibid., 27 March 1879, p.lO2.
140´┐Żibid., 17 April l879, p.126; 24 April 1879, p.134; 8 May 1879, p.l5O; 15 May 1879, p.157.
141´┐Żibid., 3 April 1879, p.110; 24 April 1879, p.134; 8 May 1879, p.150; 15 May 1879, p.157.
142´┐Żibid., 1 May 1879, p.142; 21 August 1879, p.70; 18 September 1879, p.l00.
143´┐ŻIngs to ---, "England," RH, 4 September 1879, p.86.
144´┐ŻLoughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 22 January 1880, p.60.
145´┐Żibid., 18 December 1879, p.3.
146´┐Żibid., 22 January 1880, p.60.
147´┐ŻAndrews to Review, "Note from Eld. Andrews," 24 July 1879, p.36; Andrews, "A Note From Elder Andrews," ST, 31 July 1879, p.228.
148´┐ŻAndrews, "Arrival at Southampton, England," RH, 17 July 1879, p.28.
149´┐ŻAndrews to Review, "Note from Eld. Andrews," 24 July 1879, p.36; Andrews, "A Note From Elder Andrews," ST, 31 July 1879, p.228.
150´┐ŻLoughborough, "T. and M. Work In England," RH, 20 February 1880, p.108.
151´┐Ż"Southampton, England Financial Report," RH, 29 January 1880, p.76; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
152´┐ŻLoughborough, RP, p.32.
154´┐Ż"Southampton, England," RH, 22 January 1880, p.60.
155´┐Żibid., ST, 3 July 1879, p.206.